@shadowen Said
Unlike some people I don't claim to be able to read the minds of others. So I don't know why BJ was so adamant that the UK would be leaving on the 31st when the BSA seemed to make that impossible. It may be that for a time he thought that a legal challenge to the BSA could be successful. It may be that he had cause to think that one or more member states would veto any extension request. Indeed so confident did BJ appear that the UK was leaving on the 31st that many people assumed that he must have something up his sleeve. Now as stated earlier, maybe he thought he did at the time...or maybe it was all a bluff to try and get the EU to renegotiate a WA. If the latter then it worked. The EU went from being absolutely adamant that there would be no renegotiation of any kind to agreeing to a new deal.
If this is the bluff working, I shudder to think what the losing alternative was. As far as I can recall, the EU's position was always that an extension had to be meaningful, i.e. it had to be undertaken with the understanding that both sides would ask for different things. The only way this happens is with a new government in power that actually controls Parliament enough that whatever is agreed to actually has a chance of being enacted. Anything else just drags this out more, even a new hung Parliament will see very little movement from where the UK is now.
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I really don't see how BJ could have got around the BSA without successfully challenging it in the courts. Given the highly unusual thinking of the Supreme Court I can only assume that, whilst there seemed to be a number of grounds to test the BSA, BJ decided there was little to be gained by going down this route.
Now interestingly EU law states that only the recognised executive arm of a nation's government can negotiate with the EU, and so BJ may have hoped that the EU wouldn't recognise the BSA as coming from the government. The BSA was after all very clearly a directive from Parliament that was forcing the executive to act against it's will. However, seeing as the remain alliance had been regularly communicating with people like Michel Barnier, Jean-Claude Juncker, Donald Tusk and Guy Verhofstadt, BJ must have known this was a long shot. Speaking of long shots, he may have hoped that perhaps a country like Hungary, Poland or even France would veto any request for an extension.
Anyway, the only real backlash was from some Brexit supporters. Most people however were able to recognise that it was the actions of Parliament that prevented BJ from taking the UK out on the 31st. Nonetheless, I am sure that some people are now a little wary about taking BJ at his word. For example, can he be believed when he says there will be no extension beyond 2020 re negotiating a trade deal with the EU IF the Tories are able to form a government after the next election. Returning the whip to 10 remainer Tories also makes me question how fair dinkum he is re not extending the next negotiating period and not accepting a trade deal that comes with special political and administrative elements. He states that the UK wants, and will only accept, a straight forward trade deal that is fundamentally no different to that which Canada was given. I have my doubts.
Anyway, those that didnt trust him before he made his promises to leave on the 31st still don't trust him, whilst i think most others are a little wary but prepared to give him the benefit of the doubt. So personally I don't think his failure to take the UK out of the EU on the 31st has hurt him too much.
Meanwhile, Farage has put country before party and announced that the BP will not contest seats that the CP won in 2017. This is a sensible move. Ideally there would be no seats in which both the CP and the BP were fielding candidates but something is better than nothing.
Well, I suppose that depends entirely on whether or not you believe that anything other than fighting it in court and being belligerent against it actually held value. I'm of the opinion that certain options were still open to him largely as a consequence of his position and influence, but that's just me. Closed door agreements, party solidarity, looking for new allies, any number of these options were open to him, even as others burned every bridge around him with calls of MP traitors.
On the other hand, I suppose if someone were to think this is all a massive conspiracy then I suppose one could reach the conclusion that any such action would be pointless from the start. Unfortunately that raises a different question of 'what was the point of any of it'.
As for the topic of Johnson's damage, domestically it's probably still as split as ever, but internationally I suspect it's a slightly different story. As you've already pointed out, some people domestically will look at this and question to themselves whether or not Johnson is trustworthy. Internationally, it will be largely the same. This includes not only foreign citizens, who already hold a certain level of power in democratic nations on their own, but also the governments themselves. The only difference being that Johnson doesn't have any 'home field advantage' like he would domestically.
As for Farage, if he truly was putting country over party, he wouldn't be running at all. Two parties running similar platforms steal each others seats. As Jenifer pointed out, a minority government needs to gain seats in order to increase their power to change the status quo. It's not enough to hold the ones already won, that would just result in another hung Parliament.